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Posts tagged ‘Anti-Christian sentiment’

Ralph Reed: Boycott A&E for ‘Anti-Christian Bigotry’.

Image: Ralph Reed: Boycott A&E for 'Anti-Christian Bigotry'

By Todd Beamon

Conservative political activist Ralph Reed on Thursday called on the 800,000 members of the Faith & Freedom Coalition to boycott the A&E Network until “Duck Dynasty” patriarch Phil Robertson is reinstated to the program.

“Phil Robertson’s suspension is a brazen act of anti-Christian bigotry,” Reed, the coalition’s chairman, said in a statement.

ObamaCareYou Can Win With The Facts 

Robertson was placed on indefinite suspension by the cable network on Wednesday after he compared homosexuality to having sex with animals in a published magazine interview.

But Robertson has since received broad support from conservatives and Republican politicians ranging from former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin to Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal.

In the interview, Robertson “never represented his views and values as being those of A&E or the producers of ‘Duck Dynasty,’ ” Reed said. “He was specifically asked about his views on sin and God’s best plan for humanity — and he answered honestly, forthrightly, even directly.

“His comments were based on his faith in God, not animus directed at gays or others who might be different from him,” Reed added.

“To suspend Robertson under these circumstances is sanctioning him for holding Christian faith and beliefs — and it is a sign of a broader intolerance, bigotry, and discrimination against Christians that has no place in America.”

The coalition’s boycott efforts will also include telephone calls, email blasts, mailings, and text messages. Member are urged to write A&E executives to protest the suspension.

Reed said that he, too, wrote network officials over the matter.

“Sadly, A&E is in danger of destroying one of the most-valuable franchises in the television industry and offending 40 million Americans in the process,” Reed said. “If its management is smart, they will move swiftly to repair the damage before it is too late.”

You Can Win With The Facts 

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Blogging Gays Urge Murder, Castration of Christians.

Matt Barber
Matt Barber

It happened Dec. 2, 2013, in Buenos Aires, broke the story with the headline: “Violent Mob of Topless Pro-Abort Feminists Attacks Praying Men Defending Cathedral.”

The raw footage is disturbing to the extreme. (Warning: viewer discretion advised for nudity, lesbian lewdness and violence. A censored version isavailable here.)

Both the video and the story have since gone viral. WND summarizes the attacks as follows: “Chanting, ‘Get your rosaries out of our ovaries,’ a mob of pro-abortion feminists—many of whom were topless with Nazi swastikas on their chests and foreheads—attacked and sexually molested a group of Roman Catholic men who were praying as they stood outside a cathedral in Argentina to protect it from threats of vandalism.”

WND Managing Editor David Kupelian called the siege a “display of demonic fury.”

Indeed, it’s hard to watch the footage without discerning the palpably dark spirit that possesses many of the estimated 17,000 lesbian, pro-abortion and feminist assailants (but I repeat myself).

Thousands of painted, topless pagans prancing a ring around the pope burned in effigy—for the chief purpose of celebrating a right to sacrifice, alive, their own children to the goddess abortion—is eerily redolent of ancient Baal worshipers dancing about the inferno and live-roasting, in burnt offering to Moloch, their own children.

For liberals, although the means may change, the ends remain the same.

Equally disturbing are a number of comments posted about the incident on at least one award-winning gay activist blog. Ironically, the site, “JoeMyGod,” a serial Christian-defaming cyber-rag, won the awardfor “Outstanding Blog” in 2011 at the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) Media Awards.

While Joe Jervis—the blog’s militant atheist and gay sadomasochist founder—refuses to denounce the Argentinian hate crimes outright, he at least begrudgingly admits, “I really can’t see how this advances the cause of abortion rights.”

Ya think?

Even so, Jervis, whose blog has a long history of anti-Christian extremism and violence-charged rhetoric, nonetheless permitted several of his regular posters to not only condone the feminist attacks but to illegally call for a steep escalation in anti-Christian violence in general (up to and including church bombings and both the castration and even murder of Christians in the U.S.).

(Update: Jervis has now scrubbed his blog of the post. Screenshots have been taken.)

Poster “mike moore” kicked off the bloodlust: “BRAVA! I wish this happened all the time, particularly here is the U.S. … It’s LONG past time for women to violently react to [being] … denied birth control and then forced to carry a never-wanted child to term.”

Jeff Chang” offered specific suggestions as to what such violence might look like: “How about destroying the oppresive regims [sic] of the church. To that end would you support firebombing a church? How about removing the clergy [sic] from power? Perhaps a ultra radical [sic] hit squad can use lead pipes and beat the clergy to death. How about just creating FEAR for all male Catholics? A bomb during there [sic] planning meeting would work, do you support that?”

Chang then answered his own questions: “As far as I’m concerned, those quasi-religious, hypocritical bastards should have been castrated on the steps of the cathedral they so pompously took it upon themselves to ‘protect’—talk about your bulls–t grand-stand plays. That’s right. We should get rid of ALL of them in one fell swoop. I say that we firebomb the next planning meeting.”

A user named “Hands off my uteris!!” agreed: “They should have burned their f–-ing church to the ground!”

So did “Rolf”: “They were lucky they didn’t start castrating them.”

Poster “Seamus Ruah” justified the violence and sexual assault, comparing it to the similarly violent Stonewall Riots of 1969. Stonewall is largely credited for launching today’s increasingly aggressive gay rights movement. “When you push a segment of the population too far,” wrote Ruah, “they have a tendency to fight back. /Stonewall.”

In the aforementioned WND report, David Kupelian recalled a similar “1989 attack on New York City’s famed St. Patrick’s Cathedral in which hundreds of ‘gay’ activists stormed the church and terrorized its parishioners during Mass.”

JoeMyGod’s “BudClark” recalls it too: “I HAD a problem with Act Up’s ‘Die-In’ in the middle of High Mass at St. Patrick’s Cathedral in NYC, back in the day. I DON’T, anymore. The Catholic HIERARCHY deserve [sic] anything and everything they have coming to them, including JAIL.”

Poster “Vel” had a suggestion for Christians and conservatives: “I hope the right wingers come here and take note of these comments. … Assaulting and humiliating people and interfering with their nonviolent expression is OK if done for the right political cause. So the right wingers should note all of this.”

Rather than lamenting the anti-Christian violence itself, poster “zhera” instead worried: “My only problem with this video is that the Catholics are now able to use it as proof for how they are victims.”

Proof indeed, zhera. And with the burgeoning success of radical LGBT and pro-abortion legislation worldwide—especially in countries like Argentina and the good ‘ol USA—we can expect a rapid increase in similar such proofs of systemic anti-Christian persecution both at home and abroad.

In its story, LifeSite reports that “some of the women chanted a song, with the lyrics: ‘To the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church, who wants to get between our sheets, we say that we want to be whores, travesties and lesbians. Legal abortion in every hospital.’”

Nice. There you have it: The heart of gay rights activism, left-wing feminism and pro-choice savagery distilled in one angry rant.

“During the attack some men were visibly weeping,” continues LifeSite. “None of them retaliated against the abuses heaped on them.”

Indeed, to borrow from Madonna’s depiction of Evita, it seems Argentina has much to cry for.

And so does America.

But as for “JoeMyGod,” the question is this: Will GLAAD now publicly disavow Joe Jervis for allowing (and perhaps tacitly condoning) such violent (and very likely illegal) rhetoric? Will this self-styled anti-defamation group rescind its “Outstanding Blog” award?

Don’t hold your breath.

Even still, a bigger question remains: Will federal authorities investigate these threats? If it were Christians threatening gays, Eric Holder himself would kick in the door with MSNBC in tow. Every newspaper in America would give it above-the-fold coverage.

But it wasn’t Christians threatening gays. It was gays threatening Christians.

And that just doesn’t fit the false “gay victimhood” narrative.


Matt Barber (@jmattbarber on Twitter) is an author, columnist, cultural analyst and an attorney concentrating in constitutional law. Having retired as an undefeated heavyweight professional boxer, Matt has taken his fight from the ring to the culture war.   

‘The Global War on Christians’ Offers Dispatches From the Frontlines.

John L. Allen Jr.
John L. Allen Jr. is author of ‘The Global War on Christians: Dispatches from the Front Lines of Anti-Christian Persecution.’ (Courtesy John L. Allen Jr.)

It has been an astonishing last 12 months for books on the persecution of Christians when there has been such silence on the issue for so long.

First came Christianophobia: A Faith Under Attack in late 2012; then the more simply titled, Persecuted: the Global Assault on Christians in March; and now on Nov. 1 the latest and longest of the titles so far:The Global War on Christians: Dispatches from the Frontlines of Anti-Christian Persecution.

Of the three, two are written by journalists with little history of reporting on the religious liberty arena—Rupert Short writing Christianophobia and John L Allen Jr., penning the latest book—as opposed to the battle hardened trio of Paul Marshall, Leila Gilbert and Nina Shea.

This is not always a fault of course, as they bring a bug-eyed enthusiasm to exposing statistics and trends that others in the field may have grown accustomed to tolerating, but what is fascinating is how similarly all three books read—they are all essentially journalistic briefings and round ups of countries and regions where persecution of Christians is rife.

Of the three, it is Allen’s that stands out as the most comprehensive and well written, showing a nodding acquaintance with a far wider range of source material than the two previous books, and bringing a deep knowledge of Roman Catholic sources into play, which is most welcome.

At times, Allen can be a little too generous, and his adoption of the controversially high martyrdom statistics of Todd Johnston’s Center for the Study of Global Christianity—most significantly the claim that the number of Christian martyrs runs at 100,000 per year—can land him into unnecessary trouble when recourse to more sober statistics would have made the point just as well.

The first half of Allen’s book is well written but unremarkable. Like most authors in the field he starts with outrage at the unreported nature of the story of Christian persecution: “Why isn’t the whole world abuzz with outrage over the grotesque violations of human rights at Me’eter?” he asks (p3). This is the vast concentration camp in Eritrea where two thousand Christians are housed in containers that boil in the day and freeze at night.

Marshaling the evidence, he is bold to call the global persecution of Christians a ‘war’: “What other word are we supposed to use? We’re talking about a massive, worldwide pattern of violence and oppression directed against a specific group of people, often explicitly understood by its perpetrators as part of a broader cultural and spiritual struggle”(p8).

He then speculates helpfully as to why this global ‘war’ on Christians is so under-reported. The world at large fails to see the story because, following French philosopher and former government official Regis Debray’s analysis, the victims are too Christian to excite the Left and too foreign to interest the Right (p. 16).

As for the silence of Western Churches, Allen puts it down to most Christians having “no personal experience of persecution” (p17); and also a tendency to interpret Christianity in purely pietistic terms, or even “good cause fatigue”. He also warns against “interfaith correctness” which often hesitates to name inter-faith tensions for fear that dialogue channels may be compromised, and a Church life that is far too focused on internal squabbles and issues.

The first part of the book is an excellent round up of recent persecution incidents and trends, region by region. He covers Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe with a sure-footed and balanced overview.

However, if it is a digest of incidents and trends one requires, probably Marshall, Gilbert and Shea’s round up in Persecuted: the Global Assault on Christians is better value, especially as it is keyed to the underlying ‘engines’ that drive persecution, and not merely regions. But Allen does have to include this data. What amazes is that in an age of infographics, not a single publisher can attempt a map, table or graphic illustration of the extent of persecution worldwide. If as Allen says, the West is full of Christians to whom the whole persecution story seems utterly foreign, then to give them no visual help whatsoever borders on the criminal.

Allen’s next two sections set his book apart. He first tackles five myths about Christian persecution that lead to the whole phenomenon being downplayed. Myth No. 1 is “…that Christians are at risk only where they’re a minority”: he exposes Christians who were killed in Christian majority countries such as Colombia, Kenya and the Philippines. Surprisingly, those he names were put to death by anti-Christian extremists, and he does not mention persecution at the hands of Christian institutions per se.

Myth No. 2 is “…that no one saw it coming”: a brilliant chapter that rightly chastises, for example, complacent officialdom in Turkey that continually claims that anti-Christian violence is sporadic and purely criminal, when in fact a whole culture is being corralled in an anti-Christian direction.

Myth No. 3 is “…that it’s all about Islam” and he rounds up a galaxy of threats that lie entirely beyond Islam, such as ultranationalism, totalitarian states, Hindu and Buddhist radicalism, organised crime, and even Christian radicalism, to name just a few.

The final two myths may be the most important, however, in delaying a groundswell of effective outrage at the extent of anti-Christian persecution. One is the myth that “…it’s only persecution if the motives are religious.” Denial strategies are in place such that whenever someone experiences persecution, either “they were too aggressive,” or “it’s probably all exaggerated,” or most significantly, “they were not hurt from a religious motive.”

As Allen writes of this final denial strategy: it “holds that a particular act of persecution or brutality counts as ‘anti-Christian’ only if the motives of the perpetrator are specifically religious” (p216). But what about anti-Nazi Dietrich Bonhoeffer put to death for political motives? Or Eric De Putter in Cameroon, a Frenchman stabbed to death (July 2012) in a strange incident when he may have been intending to expose corruption in a university? Or two Catholic missionaries killed in Burundi by robbers, yet only resident in the region because of their Christian witness? Or Colombian pastors targeted by guerrillas because their faith compelled them to oppose the drug trade? Allen will not have this shrinkage, and opts for a fuller understanding of Christian witness in hostile cultures, so that the culture’s anti-Christian response can be considered as persecution.

The final myth is “…that anti-Christian persecution is a political issue,” and what is meant here is that the suffering of Christians falls victim to politicization. “Those on the political left may celebrate martyrs to corporate greed or to right-wing police states, but fear to speak out about the suffering of Christians behind the lines of the Islamic world,” writes Allen (p231). Then he adds: “Conservatives may be reluctant to condemn the situation facing Christians in the state of Israel or in regimes that are presently in fashion on the right as allies in the ‘war on terror’…Either way, the result is a reductive reading of the true score of anti-Christian persecution, and a double standard when it comes to engaging its protagonists” (p231).

Allen’s final section is a round up, perhaps somewhat optimistic in tone, of the significance and future role the whole issue could have in terms of politics and church life. Allen expects the persecution of Christians to be a “signature concern” among policy makers in the 21st century.

One hopes he is right, and there is evidence for his view that three megatrends are combining to make religious freedom an ‘idee fixe’: the global South character of world Christianity is putting renewed pressure on the more liberal Christian institutions of the West, then the higher profile of suffering experienced by those in other religions, in addition to Christian suffering going thoroughly global (especially now that local churches and Christian expressions are under threat from a radical secularism). Christianity is also conscripted by Allen as a pro-democracy force, which again could impact upon the policy elite… if they have eyes to see.

It is perhaps appropriate that Allen largely ends with the spiritual implications of global persecution, a subject that is talked too little about. He talks of a new “ecumenism of the martyrs”, which could give a new impetus to the ecumenical movement. But also that the extent of Christians suffering under persecution could renew a theology “from below”, resulting in a stronger theological impetus that identifies the faith with the victims of suffering far more powerfully, whether that suffering comes purely from poverty or persecution; and indeed, for the holistic Allen, the two are rarely separated. Could a new focus on the persecuted millions usher us into a time of renewed Christian missionary ferment, as the sharper edges of Christ’s concern are shown in bold and attractive relief by the growing hostility?

No book ranges quite as widely as Allen’s in his portrait of the persecuted church today and the benefits that should accrue to all who pay attention to this under-reported phenomenon. Above all, it is kind in its tone and its treatment of its sources, refusing to pin the cause of the persecuted to one patch of ideological terrain. For that reason alone, one hopes the book will be a great success.

For all that, reading a similar book for the third time in a row makes one long for another Solzhenitsyn to come along and put art at the service of the persecuted again. While Allen has provided the best overall briefing about persecution today—no mean feat—one has a sneaking suspicion that what is needed more urgently is not more brilliant (and better illustrated) summaries, but more authentic and in-depth story-telling.



Long-Suffering Syrian Christians Fear Future.

Sami Amir is used to the deep, echoing rumble of the Syrian army artillery pounding rebel positions on the outskirts of Damascus. It’s the thump of mortars launched from an Islamist-controlled neighborhood that scares him to death.

The mortars have repeatedly struck his mainly Christian district of Damascus, al-Qassaa, reportedly killing at least 32 people and injuring dozens of others in the past two weeks.

“You don’t know when and you don’t know where they hit,” says Amir, 55, a Christian merchant. “Life here is often too difficult.”

Rebel shelling into the capital has increasingly hit several majority-Christian districts, particularly al-Qassaa, with its wide avenues, middle-class apartment blocks, leafy parks, popular restaurants, and shopping streets busy with pedestrians.

The shelling and recent rebel assaults on predominantly Christian towns have fueled fears among Syria’s religious minorities about the growing role of Islamic extremists and foreign fighters among the rebels fighting against President Bashar al-Assad‘s rule.

Christians think they are being targeted — in part because of the anti-Christian sentiment among extremists and in part as punishment for what is seen as their support for Assad.

Though some Christians oppose Assad’s brutal crackdown on the opposition, the rebellion’s increasingly outspoken Islamist rhetoric and the prominent role of Islamic extremist fighters have pushed them toward support of the government. Christians make up about 10 percent of Syria’s 23 million people.

“When you bring a Christian and make him choose between Assad and the Islamic state in Iraq and the Levant, the answer is clear,” said Hilal Khashan, a political science  professor at the American University of Beirut, referring to the al-Qaeda branch fighting alongside the rebels. “It doesn’t need much thinking.”

The rebels have targeted other Syrian minorities, particularly Alawites, the Shiite offshoot sect to which Assad belongs and which is his main support base. All together, ethnic and religious minorities — also including Kurds and Druze — make up a quarter of Syria’s population. The majority, and most rebels, are Sunni Muslim.

But Christian areas have recently been the focus of fighting.

A week ago, rebels from the al-Qaeda-linked group Jabhat al-Nusra attacked the Christian town of Sadad, north of Damascus, seizing control until they were driven out Monday after fierce fighting with government forces. The rebels appear to have targeted the town because of its strategic location near the main highway north of Damascus, rather than because it is Christian.

Still, SANA reported Monday that the rebels in Sadad had vandalized the town’s St. Theodore Church, along with much of Sadad’s infrastructure.

Similarly, thousands fled the ancient Christian-majority town of Maaloula when rebels took control of it last month, holding it for several days until government forces retook it. With rebels in the hills around the town, those who fled are still too afraid to return.

Two bishops were abducted in rebel-held areas in April, and an Italian Jesuit priest, the Rev. Paolo Dall’Oglio, went missing in July after traveling to meet al-Qaeda militants in the rebel-held northeastern city of Raqqa. None has been heard from since.

In August, rebel gunmen killed 11 people in a drive-by shooting in central Syria as Christians celebrated a feast day. Activists said at the time that many of those killed were pro-government militiamen manning checkpoints.

Al-Qaeda-linked fighters have damaged and desecrated churches in areas they have seized.

In Raqqa, militants set fires in two churches and knocked the crosses off them, replacing them with the group’s black Islamic banner.

Jihadis also torched an Armenian church in the northern town of Tel Abyad on Sunday, said the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an anti-Assad group that tracks the war through a network of activists on the ground.

The apparently deliberate campaign against Christians and other minorities has stoked worries in Washington and many European capitals over providing advanced weaponry to the mainstream opposition Free Syria Army, amid fears the arms will end up in the hands of extremists.

Christians in Damascus are convinced that extremists are deliberately targeting their neighborhoods as rebels battle government forces trying to uproot them from the towns they control outside the capital. Al-Qassaa is close to besieged rebel-held suburbs where Muslim residents have pleaded for international help to save them from starvation and constant government bombardment.

“Recently I noticed that every Sunday, they launch more than 15 mortars a day,” Amir said. “They are targeting specifically Christian areas.”

The most recent shells in al-Qassaa hit Thursday on the doorstep of a fashion clothing shop and next to a wall of a local hospital, killing three young men and damaging a church and several cars, which were left riddled by shrapnel.

Hundreds of Christians have fled al-Qassaa to other areas of the capital or into neighboring Lebanon. Nationwide, about 450,000 Christians have fled their homes, part of an exodus of about 7 million during the 2 1/2-year civil war, church officials say.

Almost all the 50,000 Christians in the mixed city of Homs have fled, and another 200,000 have fled the northern city of Aleppo, both battleground cities. When insurgents occupied the strategic central town of Qusair in 2012, about 7,000 Catholics were forced out and their homes were looted.

Thousands who fled Maaloula have found refuge in the al-Qassaa and other Christian districts of Damascus. Maaloula was a major tourist attraction before the civil war, home to two of the oldest surviving monasteries in Syria. Some of the residents still speak a version of Aramaic, the language of biblical times, thought to have been used by Jesus.

Youssef Naame and his wife, Norma, an elderly Christian couple from Maaloula, described how bearded extremist Islamists stormed the northeastern village early last month chanting, “God is Great!”

“The jihadis shouted: Convert to Islam, or you will be crucified like Jesus,” Youssef said with a shaky voice in his daughter’s al-Qassaa apartment.

He said they were trapped with other Christians for three days in a small house next to the town church, without food or electricity.

“There were snipers shooting everywhere, we were not able to move,” he recalled. “We were so scared. I lost my speech.”

Syrian church leaders fear that Assad’s fall would lead to an Islamist state that would spell the end of the centuries-old existence of Christians on Syrian soil.

“We are not taking any sides in the conflict,” Bishop Luka, deputy leader of the Syriac Orthodox Church, said at his headquarters in the historic Damascus Old Town.

“We are standing alongside the country, because this country is ours,” he said. “If the country is gone, we have nothing left. Nothing will remain of us.”

© Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

New Docs Raise Questions About Timing of Order to Suspend Anti-Christian Army Training Materials.

Army soldiers praying
U.S. soldiers bow their heads in prayer.

After Breitbart News reported on Thursday an official Department of Defense (DOD) document approved the anti-Christian Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) as a trustworthy source for information on dangerous “extremist” organizations and movements, Fox News released a letter dated Oct. 18 from Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh. He begins his letter noting a string of anti-Christian presentations and says the material is “inaccurate, objectionable and otherwise inconsistent with current Army policy.”

McHugh criticized SPLC for labeling Christian ministries, public-interest groups, and other conservative organizations as extremists, adding the “groups identified in the instruction were not ‘extremist’ organizations as that term is defined in Army Regulation 600-20.”

The DOD document revealed on Thursday confirmed suspicions as to why multiple military trainers nationwide have cited traditional Christian and Tea Party groups as dangerous, and forbids military service members from supporting them or participating in their events. This official document was issued by DOD’s Defense Equal Opportunity Military Institute (DEOMI).

Now Breitbart News has exclusively obtained two additional unclassified military documents that raise additional questions. The first is a redacted letter signed Oct. 17-one day before McHugh’s letter-referencing a new “stand down” order from an Army general at Forscom (U.S. Army Forces Command), saying that “FORSCOM has directed all Equal Opportunity (EO) training be suspended until” military trainers have received updated training to change what they are currently presenting in their briefings. So an Army general in charge of military training on extremists and dangerous movements had already issued an order before McHugh.

Breitbart News has also exclusively obtained yet another letter, this one dated Oct. 23, which makes clearer what the redacted Oct. 17 letter contained. This letter is issued by Lt. Gen. Jeffrey W. Talley-commanding general of the U.S. Army Reserve Command. This letter states:

“Commanders at all levels … are personally responsible for ensuring that EO [Equal Opportunity] Training is consistent with [Army] policy and command needs. Identifying and obtaining references and training material are key elements in conducting effective EO training. Commanders must ensure that EO briefings are vetted with the appropriate subject matter experts prior to presentation. Effective immediately, all unit EO training, to include EO Leader Course (EOLC) training is suspended.”

The letters use similar formats and the same key terms, so it is a reasonable assumption that their substance is also similar. If so, an Army commander issuing the Oct. 17 letter a single day before McHugh sent his Oct. 18 letter raises two possibilities.

McHugh was a center-right Republican congressman from New York (not a Tea Party person, but not a committed moderate, either) when President Barack Obama appointed him Secretary of the Army. One possibility is that the Oct. 17 letter made him aware of this very serious problem: that the Pentagon was officially approving material from a radical anti-Christian organization that has been linked to domestic terrorism. McHugh may have decided to elevate the “stand down” order to his level, issuing a directive to the entire Army to stop using this material until a full review could be conducted. In other words, his Oct. 18 letter could mean McHugh did the right thing for the right reasons.

Retired Lt. Gen. Jerry Boykin-former commanding general of U.S. Army Special Operations Command and now executive vice president of the Family Research Council-is giving McHugh the benefit of the doubt, telling Breitbart News:

“The letter of 17 Oct. demonstrates that the Army sees the problem of persecution of Christians. The letter from the SecArmy on 18 Oct. shows that the Army is doing something about it. I am encouraged but we have a long way to go.”

The other possibility is when McHugh saw the general’s letter, he had the political sense to know that the news media would eventually get a copy (as Breitbart News now has), and that it would be a damaging political scandal for the Obama administration to have proof that this administration is in fact using anti-Christian propaganda as training material for American soldiers. The way to head off that scandal was to immediately issue his own letter to supersede and overshadow the Oct. 17 letter, making it look like the Obama administration was proactively looking for a solution to avoid being blamed as the source of the problem.

It would be pure speculation at this point to guess which one of these possibilities explains the Oct. 18 letter, but one thing that is not speculative is that McHugh’s letter amounts to the Army’s admission that the military has in fact been using anti-Christian indoctrination material in training our soldiers about threats to the nation.

Congress should investigate who knew what and when, as well as why McHugh issued his letter on Oct. 18. Additionally, DEOMI materials can be used by all the branches of the military, and the Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps might still be using anti-Christian material and are outside McHugh’s jurisdiction to prevent them from doing so. As such, Congress should also ask Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel about this and demand to know why Hagel has not reissued McHugh’s order under his own name to ensure that no one in the U.S. military is using the SPLC’s anti-Christian material.



Ken Klukowski is director, Center for Religious Liberty at Family Research Council. This article appeared on Friday.

Is Obama’s Foreign Policy Killing Christians?.

Afghani terrorists
Taliban guerrilla fighters hold their weapons at a secret base in eastern Afghanistan.

While the temporary partial government shutdown has riveted our nation, Christians are being martyred all over the world.

The limited space of this column does not permit me to enumerate the long list of martyred Christians and the locations where Christians continue to be killed in cold blood. But needless to say, the violence stretches from Nigeria to Egypt to Iraq to Syria to Pakistan and beyond.

The most tragic act of treachery recently committed by Islamists against innocent Christians took place in a church in Peshawar, Pakistan, just a few weeks ago. There, 81 innocent worshippers were slaughtered and many more were wounded, some permanently.

The Western press, if they reported that tragedy at all, reported it as just another day at the office, as if it was unworthy of much news attention. Nothing to see here; move right along.

But those of us who read Arabic and Islamic publications know that Tehrik-e-Taliban Jundullah claimed responsibility for the bombing, stating that the attack of the 130-year-old All Saints Church in Peshawar was revenge for U.S. drone strikes.

Islamists view Christian churches, and Christians in general, as outposts of Western influence. Little do they know, however, that Western governments are just as anti-Christian as they are—although they are more polite in their opposition.

Western governments are not only silent when it comes to Christian martyrdom—which is now in the tens of thousands—but they are complicit as well. While enthusiastically supporting Libyan rebels against Moammar Gadhafi, and now Syrian rebels against Assad, Western governments have actually helped al-Qaida or al-Qaida affiliate members. Western governments have, wittingly or unwittingly, strengthened the hands of those who are now slaughtering whole Christian villages in Syria.

With the exception of Angela Merkel of Germany, who factually told a gathering of Lutheran leaders that Christianity “is the most persecuted religion in the world,” sadly nothing is being done for those beleaguered Christians.

Or take the case of the Copts in Egypt. They have been harassed, discriminated against and persecuted for 1,400 years. More recently, they have suffered violence from the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood. That violence accelerated at a rapid pace because the Muslim Brotherhood government of Mohammed Morsi felt emboldened—not only by the praise heaped on him by his fellow Islamists, but also by the praise of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.

In fairness to President Obama, the harmful effect of our foreign policy on Christians started prior to his administration. Before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, there were 1.4 million Christians in that country. Now it would be a stretch to find 300,000.

So much for America’s protection of Christians.

Today, because of Western policies, Christians are being killed in greater numbers than during the first-century Roman Empire.

I do not expect Islamist groups to care about the anti-Christian posturing of Western governments. But for heaven’s sake and the sake of their own eternal judgment, may foreign policymakers of the U.S. and Western governments understand their culpability in this matter and do something about it.


Michael Youssef

Victory: ‘No Atheists in Foxholes’ Article Reinstated on Chaplain’s Website.


Military chaplain
Freedom of religion and speech recently scored a victory in the Air Force. (ACLJ)

Angry atheists’ bizarre arguments and incendiary tactics were once again exposed and soundly defeated as a military chaplain’s blog post has been reposted on a base website.

A few weeks ago, we told you about a military chaplain’s website posting that was inappropriately censored and removed after the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF) demanded it.

The inaptly named MRFF, an anti-Christian organization headed by Mikey Weinstein, makes it its mission to antagonize military chaplains for doing their duty. Weinstein has compared Christians serving in our military to al-Qaida and repeatedly refers to Christians in uniform as “monsters who terrorize.”

MRFF again ramped up its anti-Christian rhetoric and illogical demands when Air Force chaplain Lt. Col. Kenneth Reyes posted an article exploring the history and context of the phrase “No atheists in foxholes” on the Chaplain’s Corner blog of Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska. MRFF sent a letter demanding the posting be taken down, calling it “bigoted, religious supremacist,” “condescending bile,” and “faith based hate.”

The article itself, titled “‘No atheists in foxholes’: Chaplains gave all in World War II,” merely chronicled the historical context and origins of the famous phrase that was even quoted by President Dwight Eisenhower.

The chaplain’s article opens by saying, “Many have heard the familiar phrase, ‘There is no such thing as an atheist in a fox hole.’ Where did this come from?

“Research I verified in an interview with former World War II prisoner of war Roy Bodine (my friend) indicates the phrase has been credited to Father William Cummings.

“As the story goes, Father Cummings was a civilian missionary Catholic priest in the Philippines.

“The phrase was coined during the Japanese attack at Corregidor.”

After exploring the context behind the statement and how Father Cummings’ contemporaries viewed it, the post closes by asking the simple question, “What is ‘faith’ to you?”

Hardly the hate-filled propaganda piece MRFF alleged.

Unfortunately, the posting was removed after the base received MRFF’s letter. The ACLJ then sent a lengthy legal letter to the base, both outlining MRFF’s long history of bullying Christians in the military and the clear constitutionality of this particular blog posting.

As our letter explained, “Trying to limit religious speech to avoid offending the non-religious would require military officials to determine which religious speech to allow and which to disallow, in effect, preferring certain types of religious speech over others, in itself something Government officials are precluded from doing by our Constitution.”

We urged the military base, the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Air Force to return this blog post to its rightful place on the chaplain’s website.

We are pleased that after receiving our letter, the Air Force has republished the article on the military base website. You can read Chaplain Reyes’ article here.



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